The "Asian" population of Great Britain is a vibrant and visible set of communities who have made a lasting impact on British society. Be that impact one of "Curry and popodoms", the influence of Asian music on the mainstream pop industry. Or even negative sterotypes of a community of shopkeepers, and waiters.
Through statistics we can try to measure the success of these different communities. Although of course success can be defined any way we want. A family who own a large home with an expensive car may be materialistically successful however if they have no time for their family, are they still considered a success?
The Office of National Statistics is used as a source of information.
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B]Population.[/B]Around half of the non-White population were Asians of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi or other Asian origin.
Religion.The largest religious group in the Asian community are Pakistani Muslim's (686,000) and Indian Hindus (471,000) followed by Indian Sikhs (307,000), and Bangladeshi Muslims (261,000) .
The Indian group was religiously diverse: 45 per cent of Indians were Hindu, 29 per cent Sikh and a further 13 per cent Muslim. In contrast the Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups were more homogeneous, Muslims accounting for 92 per cent of each ethnic group.
Some faith communities were concentrated in particular ethnic groups. For example, 91 per cent of Sikhs were Indian.
Education. Chinese pupils have best G.C.S.E resultsIn 2004 Chinese pupils were the most likely to achieve five or more GCSE grades A*-C in England, with 79 per cent of Chinese girls and 70 per cent of Chinese boys respectively. Indian pupils had the next highest achievement levels: 72 per cent of Indian girls and 62 per cent of Indian boys achieved these levels.
The lowest levels of GCSE attainment were among Black Caribbean pupils, particularly boys. Only 27 per cent of Black Caribbean boys and 44 per cent of Black Caribbean girls achieved five or more A*-C grade GCSEs. Pupils from the Black African, Other Black and Mixed White and Black Caribbean groups had the next lowest levels of attainment.
Within each ethnic group a higher proportion of girls than boys achieved five or more GCSE grades A*-C (or equivalent).
School exclusions
In 2003/04 pupils from Black Caribbean, Other Black and Mixed White and Black Caribbean groups were among the most likely to be permanently excluded from schools in England.
The permanent exclusion rates for pupils from the Other Black, Black Caribbean and Mixed White and Black Caribbean groups were 42 pupils per 10,000, 41 per 10,000 and 37 per 10,000 respectively. These were up to three times the rate for White pupils (14 pupils per 10,000). Chinese and Indian pupils had the lowest exclusion rates, at 2 or less pupils excluded per 10,000.
For all ethnic groups, the rate of permanent exclusions was higher for boys than girls, with boys representing around 80 per cent of the total number of permanent exclusions.
Highest qualification
In 2004 people from the Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Pakistani groups were less likely than White British people to have a degree (or equivalent).
Among men, Bangladeshis and Black Caribbeans were the least likely to have a degree (11 per cent for each group). Among women, Bangladeshis and Pakistanis were the least likely to have a degree, 5 and 10 per cent respectively.
The groups most likely to have degrees were Chinese (31 per cent), Indian (25 per cent) and White Irish (24 per cent). These compared with 17 per cent of White British people. However, a relatively high proportion of Chinese people had no qualifications – 20 per cent, compared with 15 per cent of White British people.
Bangladeshis and Pakistanis were the most likely to be unqualified. Five in ten (49 per cent) Bangladeshi women and four in ten (40 per cent) Bangladeshi men had no qualifications. Among Pakistanis, 35 per cent of women and 29 per cent of men had no qualifications.
Labour Market Non-White unemployment highest
Unemployment rates for people from non-White ethnic groups were generally higher than those from White ethnic groups. However, Indian men had a similar level of unemployment to Other White men, at 7 per cent and 6 per cent respectively.
In 2004 Pakistani women had the highest unemployment rates in Great Britain, at 20 per cent. The next highest female rates were among women from the Black African or Mixed ethnic groups (each 12 per cent). These rates were around three times the rates for White British and White Irish women (4 per cent each). The unemployment rates for Black Caribbean (9 per cent), Indian (8 per cent) and Chinese (7 per cent) women were around twice the rates for White British and White Irish women.
Among men, those from Black Caribbean, Black African, Bangladeshi and Mixed ethnic groups had the highest unemployment rates (between 13 and 14 per cent). These rates were around three times the rates for White British and White Irish men (5 per cent in each case). The unemployment rates for Pakistani and Chinese men, 11 and 10 per cent, were around twice the rates for White British men or White Irish men.
The unemployment rate for Indian men (7 per cent) was similar to those for White British or White Irish men.
Employment patterns Paksitani's most likely to be self employedIn 2004 people in employment from Pakistani, Chinese and White Irish groups were more likely to be self-employed than those in other ethnic groups in Great Britain. One in five Pakistanis in employment were self-employed (21 per cent), as were just under one in six Chinese (16 per cent) and White Irish (15 per cent) people. This compared with around one in ten (12 per cent) White British people and fewer than one in ten people from a Mixed or Black ethnic group.
Industry
Certain ethnic groups are concentrated in particular industries. In 2004, three fifths of Bangladeshi men and just under half of Chinese men in employment worked in the distribution, hotel and restaurant industry, compared with one sixth of their White British counterparts.
Pakistani men were the group most likely to work in the transport and communication industry - 23 per cent of them worked in this sector compared with 10 per cent of employed men overall. White Irish men were more likely than other men to work in the construction industry - 20 per cent compared with 13 per cent overall.
Bangladeshi and Chinese women are also concentrated in the distribution, hotel and restaurant industry. Two in five Chinese women and one in three Bangladeshi women worked in this industry in 2004, compared with one in five of all women in employment. Half of Black Caribbean and Black African women (54 per cent and 52 per cent respectively) worked in the public administration, education or health sector.
Managerial Jobs.
Those most likely to be employed in managerial or professional occupations were from the Chinese, Indian, White Irish, and other non-British White groups (between 32 and 38 per cent). White British people had lower rates of people working in managerial or professional occupations (27 per cent) than those groups. The groups with the lowest proportions of managers or professionals were the Black Caribbeans, Black Africans and Bangladeshis (between 19 per cent and 22 per cent).
Looking at particular jobs, one in seven Pakistani men in employment was a taxi driver, cab driver or chauffeur, compared with 1 in 100 White British men. Over a quarter of Bangladeshi men were chefs, cooks or waiters compared with 1 in 100 White British men. The proportion of Indian men working as medical practitioners, at 4 per cent, was around 10 times higher than the rate for White British men.
Women in Employment
Among women in employment, around one in ten women from the Black African group and one in seven women from the Other Asian group were working as nurses in 2004, compared with around 1 in 30 White British women. Indian, Pakistani and Black African women were around four times more likely than White British women to be working as packers, bottlers, canners and fillers. Pakistani and Indian women were respectively around six times and four times more likely than White British women to be working as sewing machinists.
Health Asian's have worse self-reported health Pakistani and Bangladeshi men and women in England and Wales reported the highest rates of 'not good' health in 2001.
Pakistanis had age-standardised rates of 'not good' health of 13 per cent (men) and 17 per cent (women). The age-standardised rates for Bangladeshis were 14 per cent (men) and 15 per cent (women). These rates, which take account of the difference in age structures between the ethnic groups, were around twice that of their White British counterparts. Chinese men and women were the least likely to report their health as 'not good'.
Women were more likely than men to rate their health as 'not good' across all groups, apart from the White Irish and those from Other ethnic groups.
Reporting poor health has been shown to be strongly associated with use of health services and mortality. White Irish and Pakistani women in England had higher GP contact rates than women in the general population. Bangladeshi men were three times as likely to visit their GP than men in the general population after standardising for age.
There were marked variations in rates of long-term illness or disability which restricted daily activities between different ethnic groups in England and Wales. After taking account of the different age structures of the groups, Pakistani and Bangladeshi men and women had the highest rates of disability. Rates were around 1.5 times higher than their White British counterparts. Chinese men and women had the lowest rates.
In some groups the difference between men and women in their rates of disability was much greater than in others. In the Indian, Pakistani, Black Caribbean and Black African groups, women had higher rates than men. In the White British and White Irish groups it was men who had higher rates than women.
Housing Sikh's most likely to own their own homesSikh, Jewish and Hindu households are the most likely to own their own homes. Around three-quarters or more of each group did so in Great Britain in 2001 (82 per cent, 77 per cent and 74 per cent respectively). Muslim and Buddhist households were the least likely to be homeowners (52 per cent and 54 per cent respectively).
Jewish and Christian households were the most likely to own their homes outright rather than be buying with a mortgage, at 40 per cent and 32 per cent respectively. Their older age profiles account for this to some extent, as they will have had more years to finish paying off their mortgages.
Muslim households are the most likely to be living in social rented accommodation, that is accommodation rented from the council or housing association. In 2001, 28 per cent of Muslim households were living in social rented accommodation. Hindu, Sikh and Jewish households were the groups least likely to be social renters – ranging between 8 and 9 per cent.
Buddhist households were the most likely to be living in private rented accommodation (24 per cent). A very small percentage of all households live rent-free (2 per cent), but Muslim households were twice as likely as other households to do so (4 per cent).
Muslim households are the most likely to experience overcrowding. One third of Muslim households (32 per cent) lived in overcrowded accommodation in 2001, as did 22 per cent of Hindu and 19 per cent of Sikh households. Just 6 per cent of Christian households experienced overcrowding. The high proportions for Muslim, Sikh and Hindu households are, to some extent, a reflection of their large size. Their average sizes were 3.8, 3.6 and 3.2 people respectively, compared with 2.3 people among Christian and Jewish households.
Muslim households were the most likely to lack central heating (12 per cent). Hindu and Sikh households were among the least likely to lack this facility (4 per cent and 5 per cent respectively). Eight per cent of Christian households did not have central heating. These differences could be seen across all household types, including households with children and pensioner only households.
Buddhists and Muslim households were the most likely to lack sole access to a bathroom (2 and 1 per cent respectively) and to not have self-contained accommodation (1 per cent for each). Again, this was true for all household types.
This pattern of housing deprivation among the different religious groups was evident across all regions and all socio-economic groups. It was particularly marked among households that had never worked and those experiencing long-term unemployment.
Households, Muslim's have largest householdsMuslim, Sikh and Hindu households in Great Britain are larger than households headed by someone of another religion. In 2001, households headed by a Muslim were largest, with an average size of 3.8 people, followed by households headed by Sikhs (3.6 people) and Hindus (3.2 people). A third of Muslim households (34 per cent) contained more than five people, as did 28 per cent of Sikh and 19 per cent of Hindu households.
Jewish, Christian and Buddhist households were smaller – each with an average size of 2.3 people. These groups have an older age structure than the other religious groups, and contain a higher proportion of one-person households. Over 30 per cent of these households contained only one person, compared with between 13 and 15 per cent of Sikh, Hindu or Muslim households.
Households headed by a Muslim are more likely than other households to contain children. Around two thirds (63 per cent) contained at least one dependent child in 2001, compared with around a quarter of Jewish (25 per cent) and Christian (27 per cent) households.
Muslim households also contained the highest number of children. A quarter (25 per cent) of Muslim households contained three or more dependent children, compared with 14 per cent of Sikh, 7 per cent of Hindu, and 5 per cent of Christian households.
The differences in the presence of children reflect partly the younger age structure of the Muslim population, and the intentions of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women. The average intended number of children among Pakistani and Bangladeshi women was 3.4 and 3.6 respectively, compared with 2.4 among Indian women and 2.1 among White women.
Lone parent households are less common within Muslim, Hindu, Sikh or Jewish communities. Hindu headed households with dependent children were the least likely be lone parent households in 2001, at 8 per cent. The proportions of Buddhist and Christian households with dependent children that were lone parent households were higher, 25 and 21 per cent respectively. Among households with dependent children headed by someone with no religious affiliation this figure was 26 per cent.
Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims are those most likely to live as married couples. Around 50 per cent of households headed by someone from one of these religions were married couple family households in 2001. This compared with between 27 and 38 per cent of households headed by people of other religions.
Jewish or Christian headed households are much more likely than those of other religions to consist only of pensioners. Again this reflects their older age structure. In 2001, around 30 per cent contained only pensioners, compared with less than 8 per cent among other groups. Nineteen per cent of Jewish and 17 per cent of Christian households were single-pensioner households. Among the other groups, no more than 5 per cent of households were single-pensioner households.
Sikh, Muslim, and Hindu households were more likely than other households to contain more than one family. Multiple-family households made up 7 per cent of all households in Great Britain overall in 2001. Among the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communities they comprised between 19 and 21 per cent of households. These multiple-family households are likely to be single extended family households, particularly in the case of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh multiple-family households.
What does the reader think of the figures? Are we surprised shocked or even bothered by them?